Tuesday, 31 December 2019
Friday, 13 December 2019
Wednesday, 11 December 2019
Tuesday, 10 December 2019
Monday, 9 December 2019
Lies
This, perhaps more so more than any other election campaign,
has had lies and mistruths as a major theme.
To me, this has been just as significant a narrative as Brexit and the
NHS.
The only other major vote where this was also the case, that
I can think of, was the EU Referendum (where the goblin Cummings also
orchestrated much of the Leave narrative - think bus - and the Tories lied in
spades on both sides of the argument).
A big story on LBC and elsewhere yesterday morning was
Jeremy Corbyn’s idiocy over the Queen’s Speech on Christmas day. He got it wrong, and then tried stupidly to
cover up his error. It was embarrassing
and unhelpful.
Also, the factcheckers have said that the Labour estimate
that the cost of a US-UK trade deal that changes pharmaceutical prices could be
c.£500 billion pounds is at the extreme end of estimates.
Perhaps it would have been wiser to have
produced a more realistic estimate – say 3-400 billion. The commentators have pushed on this.
So Labour have been caught out.
But this needs to be put into context.
We need to discriminate, otherwise we fall for another lie,
which is that you can’t trust any of them, because ‘they are all the same.’
They aren’t.
To say so misses a fundamental truth.
Throughout the election campaign, and well before it
started, the Conservative Party of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland, somehow her majesty’s current Government, who are
meant to represent our sovereign will, have lied consistently, with no
embarrassment, in depth, moment-by-moment, on high days and holidays, morning,
noon and night, as easily as breathing, and as a matter of high policy.
The sheer scale, number, reach and depth of their coherent
and consistent mistruths is shocking.
People and Websites have been trying hard to keep track of
the shabby shedloads of whoppers they have peddled, but they just lose track.
Every time an apparently comprehensive list is published, concerned citizens jump in
and ask ‘but what about this one? You
missed it out.’
Tory lies are fractal.
The deeper you look, the more you find.
They proliferate. And I suspect
there is no bottom.
At some level, we shouldn’t be surprised. Their leader, Al (‘wormtongue’) Johnson,
known as ‘Boris’ to his Russian handlers, made his name by lying about the EU
as a journalist, before being sacked, and was also fired for misleading a later
boss, the then-Tory leader Michael Howard.
Let’s put this in perspective, a little.
Anne Widdicome of all people couldn’t stomach Howard, saying there was ’something
of the night’ about him. Yet even
Dracula thought Johnson was beyond the pale.
Well, there you go.
So, high, wide and simple.
Tories lie. The hard right, slightly more so.
It is in their DNA, stitched into their elementary
particles. There is a new ‘Falsehood’
Quark being proposed by Physicists to try and explain their behaviour.
When they speak, the question is not ‘are they lying?’, but
‘in how many different ways are they shafting the truth?’
And also, let’s not forget this question: ‘In how many ways
will this basket of lies help them to screw up my life?’ (And be assured, it will be more ways than
you can possibly imagine).
Summary: You cannot believe anything the Tories say. If their mouths are open, lies coming out.
Never Allow Them Access to Your Money
We now know that the
global financial recession of 2007-9 was created by the exceptionally dodgy
activities of a group of bankers who, in their greed, promoted high-risk,
snake-oil products (‘collateralised debt obligations’) to make huge profits for
their companies and massive bonuses for themselves.
Let’s suppose you
knew of such a banker, say a managing director of a foreign investment bank at
that time, that has been described by a US Senate committee as “a financial
snake pit rife with greed, conflicts of interest and wrongdoing.” This man was directly responsible for
pushing some of the worst financial instruments that caused the crash. And he’s never apologised.
I’m sure you’d
agree that there are certain jobs which such a person should never be
offered.
No-one with an
ounce of sense would give them a senior role with financial responsibility ever
again, given their track record.
Step forward,
Sajid Javid! The man who wants to play games with YOUR money.
PLEASE VOTE to Stop the Tories, for the
sake of our economy.
Sunday, 8 December 2019
Friday, 29 November 2019
How to Vote this Coming December
I do get it, that some people will find it difficult to vote
for Jeremy Corbyn. The stories about
support for terrorists and antisemitism that circulate are real barriers for
many, and the scale of investment being proposed by the relatively soft-left,
mainstream manifesto that has been produced by his team does scare some voters -
who may perhaps not have realised the scale of the cuts of the last ten years. Equally, some may feel that the late
commitment to the WASPI women, and the use of the NHS to challenge the Tories,
smack of opportunism.
Equally, many people find Boris Johnson appalling. His misogyny, racism, islamophobia, anti-gay
stance and inability to speak without lying make him unfit for government to
many of us. His casual relationship with the
truth led to a British citizen being incarcerated overseas when Foreign
Secretary, while he has been a representative of one of the most hard-right
ideologically-driven governments we have seen, worse so than that of Margaret
Thatcher. The detailed evidence is that
there have been many more than 130,000 early, unnecessary deaths since they have been
in power, which appear to be directly attributable to their policies.
And the Lib Dem leader Jo Swinson is seen by a large number
of people as no better. A junior leader
in the Coalition, she has expressed no regrets for their support of the hard
right, nor for breaking their promises on tuition fees. Many Lib Dems, let alone others, see her as
too right wing to lead the party of Beveridge for much longer.
I’m sure similar challenges can be thrown at the
other party leaders. But that isn’t my
point. We really do need to look beyond
personality, and the flaws of individuals, and look at the heart of the policies
for which each party stands.
From this perspective, it seems clear that there are three
large-scale policy areas which we can look at, to see how we might vote.
(Note: As the Brexit
party haven’t published a manifesto, they are excluded from discussion below. However, they are, mostly, right-wing Conservatives
in disguise. So most of the discussion of
the Tories below will apply equally to them, or more so).
To begin with Brexit.
If we are to leave the EU, as a small majority of voters in the (I
believe flawed) referendum of 2016 preferred, there are a number of choices:
-
The Conservatives are proposing the hardest of
hard departures, with a real risk of no-deal, and an internal border between NI
and GB. Most experts and commentators
believe this will do real damage to the country and its institutions, with
prolonged trade negotiations afterwards which will run the real risk of
damaging our own businesses and public services further as a result. Workers rights and food safety standards will
be up for negotiation. Equally, it
entrenches division, as many Remain (and some Leave) voters feel a fraud is
being perpetrated.
-
However, the Lib Dem policy of ‘Revoke’ appears
anti-democratic in the extreme, whatever the possible flaws of the 2016
vote. It would also entrench division,
and do little to prevent a later Government from beginning the whole process
again.
-
To minimise the harm to the country of a hard
Brexit, and to attempt to heal divisions if possible, it is clear that a softer
approach to Brexit is required, which minimises the need for unhelpful and
unbalanced future deals and does far less damage to people and the land. And by putting this to a second public vote,
there is a chance, if a slim one, of
reconciling both Leavers and Remainers.
This Labour approach therefore feels correct, whatever the personal vote
and vacillations of Corbyn. Most of the regional
parties also, correctly, support this strategy (albeit with caveats).
Setting aside the high emotions that Brexit generates, I personally believe a more pressing issue is the
desperate need to address the huge damage that has been done in the last ten
years to our public services, and the public realm in general.
-
In this area the proposals from the
Conservatives, as set out in their election manifesto/leaflet, are laughable in
the extreme. They fail to reverse the
cuts to police and the health service, they do not address social care, nor do
they address the rising crisis of housing safety highlighted by Grenfell and other fires. And, to be blunt, their current approach to
Brexit will make all of this worse and entrench austerity - as the real costs of their ultra-hard Brexit have
not been factored into their budget calculations. Finally, rather than address the failures of
the press and wider media (whatever happened to Levenson?) they are instead
proposing measures to control the courts, so they can never again intervene to
prevent them behaving illegally.
-
The Lib Dem proposals are better, but again feel
far too limited. It may be that they are
in denial about the huge harm the policies they supported in the Coalition have
caused to individuals up and down the UK. And
because they aren’t yet ready to recognise the full impact of the austerity in
which they were complicit, they can’t properly address it. Again there is little on the behaviour of the
press and media.
-
Turning to the Labour party, I have a real
concern that their proposals, while highly laudable in this area and nearly
of an appropriate scale, are unfocused.
I would rather, for at least the next five years, that they made the reversing
of the cuts, redressing of unfairness, attention to social justice and the
rebuilding of the welfare state their primary goals. The various nationalisations of natural monopolies (energy, rail,
water, Openreach, etc), while essential, could be moved
into second place. Perhaps even deferred to a second term. This would create greater headroom to rebuild our broken state and begin to unify society.
However, again, and it pains me to say it, I must admit that the third and
final major area of policy is more important than either of these.
I fear that the linked existential risks of climate
collapse and large-scale species extinction must, at the moment, override
everything else. This must provide the main guide to which party to vote for in the coming election.
I fully admit that this is interwoven with the other two
areas. The USA trying to keep climate
change concerns out of proposed future post-Brexit Trade Deal negotiations shows this clearly. However, I think it is possible to use this area
as the core for our decision-making as an electorate.
-
The Green proposals are unsurprisingly the gold
standard in this area. They’ve set the
right targets, and the measures they propose and level of necessary investment to
transition at speed to a net zero carbon economy by 2030 seem essentially correct. They’ve thought about it hard, and for a long
time.
-
The SNP and Plaid Cymru are nearly on the same
page, but they each have problems driving the transition. The former have yet to say how they will
address their dependence on the oil and gas industry, while the latter will
need to find clarity about how their farmers will be supported to make the
needed changes, and how quickly. The SNP also seem to seeing IndyRef2 as at least equally important.
-
The Labour party also clearly understand the problem, and
have proposals which nearly equal those of the Greens. They appear to grasp the problems involved in
transitioning the whole economy, and are proposing investment which should
solve the majority of problems, and may also provide real export opportunities. They have however been mealy-mouthed about
the zero-carbon target, only suggesting delivery by ‘the 2030s’. This needs to be a harder-edged goal.
-
The Lib Dems are yet to realise how urgent this
is. Although they are proposing
investment, and they seem to understand many of the challenges, to aim to fix
the problem by 2045 is far too late.
- Sadly, in this area, and unlike the others, the Conservative
proposals are woeful, and wholly inadequate to the challenge. They have no real concrete plans for the
transition of the economy. Even their
much-touted ban on fracking is only temporary.
Their leader could not even be bothered to attend the Channel 4 debate
on the subject, instead sending the understrapper Gove, who was rightly turned
away. But more than this, they just have
not grasped the critical importance of the issue, as their manifesto and public
pronouncements show.
So there you have it.
On the biggest threat to our country and our lives, the Tories have
nothing to offer. This is truly
frightening. But at least it makes
things clear.
If you care about the lives of your children and
grandchildren, if you care about our country, you cannot vote for the
Conservatives. They are so dangerous to
the UK, to the planet, and to the natural world.
Therefore, whoever leads whichever party, there is one,
simple answer.
Each one of us must vote the best way we can to defeat the local
Tory candidate. Do the research, and lend
your vote to the person who is best placed to beat them in your local constituency.
For the sake of us all.
Saturday, 16 November 2019
What the Last Ten Years have done to the NHS
Al, or to give him his Russian codename ‘Boris’ Johnson has gone on record as saying that the reason he is proposing ‘investing the record ever amount’ in the NHS is because it is ‘facing massive demand’ (interview with BBC Breakfast).
The interviewer, Naga Munchetty, did a good job of challenging this, on the grounds that the amount proposed is not even enough to make up the shortfall in funds to the NHS since 2010, and it is spread over five years, so the increase will be slow to have effect. And it is far from a record amount.
She also compared spending under the Coalition and Tory governments with a range of more generous regimes, including that of the late Margaret Thatcher. The video has been quite widely shared, and has even appeared on the Daily Mail website, although they didn’t discuss his skewering over the NHS.
But even so, I think this only really addresses part of the story. Why is the NHS ‘facing massive demand’?
I think there are a number of related answers to this question, which throw additional light on the impact of Tory policies. (Sorry people, this is going to be another long one).
Often, NHS pressures are seen in the context of rising attendances and the ongoing failure to meet A&E performance targets, and the similar failure to meet cancer treatment targets, to name but two. Or, more nuanced, to this is added the much-reported difficulty to get a GP appointment in many parts of the country, and the exceptionally long waiting times being faced by people in need of support from mental health services.
All of these are, of course, related. If you can’t see your GP, it is quite possible that the condition may exacerbate, or you may become desperate, and so you will head for A&E. People with untreated mental health problems may well also end up in an emergency setting. Because it is always there to help when the other systems fail.
And if A&E is overwhelmed, as it has been in the last few winters, it affects the whole hospital – elective appointments, and scheduled surgery are cancelled, because the staff, beds and other resources are being used to deal with the urgent cases.
So, each of these measures, and many other figures that show a system being severely challenged, are closely related, and demonstrate that the NHS is a system, which has to work as a whole. It also illustrates why a plan which merely focuses on capital refurbishment of hospitals – which was the Johnson government’s original idea – so woefully misses the mark.
But is demand increasing as the man claimed? Well, yes it does appear to be, but this too should be unpicked a little.
Often there is talk of an ‘increasing number of older people requiring care’ – yet actually life expectancy in the UK has stagnated in the UK in the last ten years. And, traditionally, those who are very frail or elderly would be cared for in care homes or nursing homes, which would normally mean they needed less treatment from the NHS, apart from thoughtful medicine review (the figures are robust about this).
There is also sound evidence that – particularly in more deprived areas – there have been more unnecessary deaths in the last 10 years than previously. In those areas, particularly, people have been living less long. Attempts have been made to test whether this is linked to austerity by researchers, and there does appear to be some connection in the data.
One attempted rebuttal of this came from a professor who should have known better, who said it was probably due to ‘increasing multimorbidity’. But, as is well-known, areas with higher deprivation usually also have a population which acquires chronic conditions earlier than is normal, and on average become multimorbid at a much earlier age. This was a finding of the Marmot Report, and I’ve personally seen this effect when working in population health analysis and management over the last few years. So, identifying increasing multimorbidity may well actually be a measure of increasing deprivation.
Or, rather, deprivation which remains unaddressed. If other services work well, this trend can be ameliorated (I've seen this too).
And this is the crux, I think. Just as the NHS is itself a system which should be seen as a whole, so it in turn must be seen as embedded in a network of social and community services which provide a network of support, aimed at helping the most disadvantaged in our country through early intervention. These services also provide safety when patients leave hospital, making discharge safer and helping prevent readmission.
The exceptional and massive reduction in local authority funding over the last ten years has drastically undermined this environment. Whether considering the deep cuts to social care, sure start, housing support, benefits, or the myriad of other necessary services and support structures, it is clear that the net effect is create more life stressors, remove help, and put more pressure on individuals and thus the already-overstretched and stressed NHS. Difficult life events now often leave those in most need of help with nowhere else to go.
So has demand increased? I would say yes, but mostly because of the policies pursued by successive governments over the last ten years.
This really ought to be emphasised. In a period which has seen the lowest level of funding increase to the NHS in 70 years (which actually results in real-term cuts), at the same time as the government has presided over massive staff reductions in the service, the funding for all the other allied services which keep the pressure away from the NHS have been slashed more heavily than ever before. So that despite an increase in early deaths, and there being no substantial increase in overall life expectancy, the pressure on the service of last resort has become, and continues to be, exceptional.
And to be honest, something similar has occurred with the police.
The obvious corollary is that you can’t resolve the challenges the NHS is facing without also addressing the Coalition/Tory cuts to social care, public health, wellbeing, housing, benefits, and so forth.
We haven’t seen the manifestos yet, but the Labour Party and the Greens do seem to get this. I just wish we all did.
She also compared spending under the Coalition and Tory governments with a range of more generous regimes, including that of the late Margaret Thatcher. The video has been quite widely shared, and has even appeared on the Daily Mail website, although they didn’t discuss his skewering over the NHS.
But even so, I think this only really addresses part of the story. Why is the NHS ‘facing massive demand’?
I think there are a number of related answers to this question, which throw additional light on the impact of Tory policies. (Sorry people, this is going to be another long one).
Often, NHS pressures are seen in the context of rising attendances and the ongoing failure to meet A&E performance targets, and the similar failure to meet cancer treatment targets, to name but two. Or, more nuanced, to this is added the much-reported difficulty to get a GP appointment in many parts of the country, and the exceptionally long waiting times being faced by people in need of support from mental health services.
All of these are, of course, related. If you can’t see your GP, it is quite possible that the condition may exacerbate, or you may become desperate, and so you will head for A&E. People with untreated mental health problems may well also end up in an emergency setting. Because it is always there to help when the other systems fail.
And if A&E is overwhelmed, as it has been in the last few winters, it affects the whole hospital – elective appointments, and scheduled surgery are cancelled, because the staff, beds and other resources are being used to deal with the urgent cases.
So, each of these measures, and many other figures that show a system being severely challenged, are closely related, and demonstrate that the NHS is a system, which has to work as a whole. It also illustrates why a plan which merely focuses on capital refurbishment of hospitals – which was the Johnson government’s original idea – so woefully misses the mark.
But is demand increasing as the man claimed? Well, yes it does appear to be, but this too should be unpicked a little.
Often there is talk of an ‘increasing number of older people requiring care’ – yet actually life expectancy in the UK has stagnated in the UK in the last ten years. And, traditionally, those who are very frail or elderly would be cared for in care homes or nursing homes, which would normally mean they needed less treatment from the NHS, apart from thoughtful medicine review (the figures are robust about this).
There is also sound evidence that – particularly in more deprived areas – there have been more unnecessary deaths in the last 10 years than previously. In those areas, particularly, people have been living less long. Attempts have been made to test whether this is linked to austerity by researchers, and there does appear to be some connection in the data.
One attempted rebuttal of this came from a professor who should have known better, who said it was probably due to ‘increasing multimorbidity’. But, as is well-known, areas with higher deprivation usually also have a population which acquires chronic conditions earlier than is normal, and on average become multimorbid at a much earlier age. This was a finding of the Marmot Report, and I’ve personally seen this effect when working in population health analysis and management over the last few years. So, identifying increasing multimorbidity may well actually be a measure of increasing deprivation.
Or, rather, deprivation which remains unaddressed. If other services work well, this trend can be ameliorated (I've seen this too).
And this is the crux, I think. Just as the NHS is itself a system which should be seen as a whole, so it in turn must be seen as embedded in a network of social and community services which provide a network of support, aimed at helping the most disadvantaged in our country through early intervention. These services also provide safety when patients leave hospital, making discharge safer and helping prevent readmission.
The exceptional and massive reduction in local authority funding over the last ten years has drastically undermined this environment. Whether considering the deep cuts to social care, sure start, housing support, benefits, or the myriad of other necessary services and support structures, it is clear that the net effect is create more life stressors, remove help, and put more pressure on individuals and thus the already-overstretched and stressed NHS. Difficult life events now often leave those in most need of help with nowhere else to go.
So has demand increased? I would say yes, but mostly because of the policies pursued by successive governments over the last ten years.
This really ought to be emphasised. In a period which has seen the lowest level of funding increase to the NHS in 70 years (which actually results in real-term cuts), at the same time as the government has presided over massive staff reductions in the service, the funding for all the other allied services which keep the pressure away from the NHS have been slashed more heavily than ever before. So that despite an increase in early deaths, and there being no substantial increase in overall life expectancy, the pressure on the service of last resort has become, and continues to be, exceptional.
And to be honest, something similar has occurred with the police.
The obvious corollary is that you can’t resolve the challenges the NHS is facing without also addressing the Coalition/Tory cuts to social care, public health, wellbeing, housing, benefits, and so forth.
We haven’t seen the manifestos yet, but the Labour Party and the Greens do seem to get this. I just wish we all did.
Tuesday, 12 November 2019
Challenge to the Lib Dems (and Others)
I think Farage standing down the Brexit candidates in seats with incumbent Tories sets more of a challenge to the Lib Dems than anyone else.
It stops the Leave vote from splitting in those seats, and makes it harder to unseat Tory candidates. It also helps the Brexit party to focus their limited resources on seats in the Leave-voting seats in the North and in Wales. Usually with a Labour incumbent. The aim being to split the Labour vote.
It's clear that the Lib Dems won't have a majority of seats in parliament after the election, but by stepping aside in favour of Labour where Labour have a chance of winning, particularly in constituencies where the Brexit party are standing, they could keep alive their hopes for Remain.
The barrier appears to be their leader's current anti-Jeremy Corbyn rhetoric. But if they can just get past this personal focus, and act responsibly, that could be a game changer.
Labour would also need to reciprocate, which could be hard given current party rules. But there are ways around that, with goodwill.
Let's see some common sense, please?
NHS. Not Safe with the Tories
When we speak or write about the NHS "not being safe in the hands of the Tories", I think we need to be a little more precise.
I suspect it won't be that the NHS will be 'on the table' in future trade deals. The Tories, if they win, will talk about the Service continuing to be free at the point of use, and 'regulated' by the Government as a state service, paid for by general taxation. (In fact some Tory candidates have already started to use this language).
The challenge is that, by allowing some or most of the services used by the NHS to be supplied as part of international trade deals, by private companies, the cost of the Service will sky rocket.
This is why Labour are focusing on pharmaceutical costs at the moment. The UK currently bargains hard to keep medicine costs down for us all, and the EU are also part of that. The US want to be able to charge an awful lot more for the drugs their companies provide, which is why they want them on the table in future trade discussions.
Other services supporting the NHS have already been contracted to the private sector, in some areas, with very mixed results. And a number have been brought back into the service as a result. But in the context of Brexit, and a right-wing Tory Government dead-set on achieving 'deals no matter what,' the number of these are likely to increase dramatically.
These increased costs could be exceptionally damaging for the NHS. They would dwarf the rather pitiful budget increases that the Tories are currently proposing. The ability of the service to respond to the needs of the population would drop dramatically.
The result would be more money being required for the NHS, which would mostly go to fund private sector profits. Or, with no further increase in budgets, a hollowed-out shell of a service not fit for purpose is likely to result, I think. And this in turn would enable a subsequent increase of private provision to be promoted to 'help' the NHS.
Through all this, the Government would claim it was still a National, state-funded service, free at the point of need. But it would be crippled by their policies, and far less able to deliver the care that we all want and need.
Tuesday, 5 November 2019
Not a Drill
A book I very much enjoyed reading this September was "This Is Not A Drill: An Extinction Rebellion Handbook".
It's still out there. Bright Pink. Buy a copy.
As well as campaigning advice, and explanations (partial, to be honest) about the degree of climate risk, there are number of essays, including one by Caroline Lucas and a very good one (I thought) by Labour MP Clive Lewis. ('A Green New Deal' - it's chapter 26).
Zero-Carbon Trade: Saving the Planet
If we aim to save the planet, surely the last thing we want is more overseas trade. Instead we should be investing in low- and zero-carbon food and goods, produced and consumed locally, and preferably owned locally too.
Following this logic, if/when we Leave the EU, rather than focus on new trade deals, we should apply tariffs based on the total carbon footprint of the inbound products. No offsetting, and including all components. This will, I suspect, require regulation going beyond current EU rules, and we should welcome that.
This is a challenge for Remainers also. The free movement of goods is one of the EU's bedrock 'four freedoms,' and I have never seen an analysis of the carbon cost of that 'freedom'. It will admittedly be difficult to move the bloc to zero carbon trade. But if that can be achieved it would be far better for the earth than the UK going it alone. And, remaining, we could veto new deals with distant parts of the world.
Eventually, we may have ultra-low carbon mass transport (airships? yachts?), but we don't have them now, and we need to act urgently.
Following this logic, if/when we Leave the EU, rather than focus on new trade deals, we should apply tariffs based on the total carbon footprint of the inbound products. No offsetting, and including all components. This will, I suspect, require regulation going beyond current EU rules, and we should welcome that.
This is a challenge for Remainers also. The free movement of goods is one of the EU's bedrock 'four freedoms,' and I have never seen an analysis of the carbon cost of that 'freedom'. It will admittedly be difficult to move the bloc to zero carbon trade. But if that can be achieved it would be far better for the earth than the UK going it alone. And, remaining, we could veto new deals with distant parts of the world.
Eventually, we may have ultra-low carbon mass transport (airships? yachts?), but we don't have them now, and we need to act urgently.
Here we go....
As the UK heads towards a crunch general election, which will set the direction of the country for a generation, we at the Trees will be moving to more political messages.
Please stay with us.
And make sure you have a Vote, and use it.
Please stay with us.
And make sure you have a Vote, and use it.
Tuesday, 29 October 2019
Sallying Forth
After we left Kielder we continued on up to Edinburgh for a couple of days.
We had this here boat ride on the Firth of Forth...
We had this here boat ride on the Firth of Forth...
Peoples Vote March: October 2019
Well, a People's Vote is now looking less and less likely, I think. But I thought it worthwhile recording the March a week and a half ago.
There were various estimates of the size of the crowd, from 1 million to 2.4 million (that last from an automated crowd-sizer, in Germany). There was virtually no Brexiteer presence.
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